quetgles | 24 Agost, 2008 16:40
The Spanish, impossible capitalism.
(I beg you that you excuse the deficiencies of the translation in English language).
Justification of the authority of my writing: The professors of economics would be the most appropriate persons when treating the subject of the perverse nature of the Spanish capitalism. But them, the doctors, or they are blind debut in a useless academic formation, or they observe the social evils provoked by the capitalism and do not dare to denouncing them. Par another band|side, the leaders of the working majority unions, in spite of the critics that they make against the abuses of the capital, do not fly or can not go salary beyond some "moderate" claims. My writing connects, if of case, with the voices of the unionists or of the politicians that denounce the wickedness of the system.
My writing receives communion with the conventionalist approach of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and with the spirit of the initial declaration of "Of the social contract" that he says: "The man is born free; and everywhere he is chained. One is believed the owner of the other ones, and a slave bigger than they still remains. How has this change happened? ...
Only if the force, and the effects that derived from it were taken into account, he should say: "While some people are forced to obey, and he obeys, he does good; as soon as he can give himselfof the yoke, and he gives himself some, he still makes better; because retrieving the freedom with the same right that had taken away |himself her, either he has right to retrieve her, or nobody had any right to remove it. But the social order is a holy right, which serves as basis to all the other ones. However, this right does not come of the nature; conventions are based on, then".
You will have to see that my speech is not a repetition of the better known "radical" speeches; you will see that it|he|she contains a few new approaches. My goal is to spread them.
The oligarchy of Catalonia-principality, the País Valencià and the Balears, from 1714, renounced to her national duties. And, as a matter of fact, she was confused, with the Spanish oligarchy.
The Spanish Marxists - and the Catalans - in every time they have confused Spanish oligarchy and Spanish bourgeoisie. To the Castilian-Andalusian oligarchy they hid it with the name of Spanish bourgeoisie.
The traditional Spanish oligarchy was the class of the great owners of land - the denominated aristocracy. This oligarchy had the control of the State. She had the monopoly of the direction of the army and of the administration of the State.
The Castilian-Andalusian aristocracy drowned the bourgeoisie of her nation (During the 16th century the bourgeoisie almost disappeared of the map; Burgos, Valladolid, Toledo and other cities became depopulated; they seemed ghost cities), and she blocked the deployment of the bourgeoisie.
The oligarchy, finally, allowed the controlled deployment of the bourgeoisie in Catalonia and in the País Basc. This allowed that Catalonia became the focus of the industrial and commercial activity, and that, in 1931, Barcelona was the senior city of the State, with more than one a million inhabitants. The Oligarchy, frightened, ascertained that she had lost the control of the social and political processes that kept on happening.
She is the question ¿ How like this the oligarchy did not concentrate in Madrid the industrial activity, which now yes she is making?
The modern industrial activity did not unfold|display in Madrid nor in the Castilian-Andalusian cities perqué traditionally the control of the economical activity was a monopoly of the oligarchy (it has to be understood that the king was the oligarch senior). It is more: the system of the industrial and commercial activity consisted of the monopoly, the sole right and the concession in hands of the oligarchy. Sole Right and Concession: the great aristocrat is he reserved the rights of an economic exploitation and he yielded them to the dealers (they were the customers of the great man). For example, the men had the sole right of the floury mills; the millers were the customers of the men that the concession had obtained. For example, the great oligarches established the monopoly of the trade with America and, because of that, centered all the commercial routes in the port of Cadis. As supposed, those aristocrats never took care of the business, but their dealers, their customers, directly. The king of Castella and those noblemen were very determined to not waste any beneficial economical activity. The king, as an oligarch senior, the exploitation of the saltworks of all the State was reserved. The Castilian-Andalusian bourgeoisie came off held up, reduced to the condition of customers of the noble or at the exercise of the traditional artisans.
Since always, the main economic|economical basis of the aristocracy was the derivative of the exploitation of its|his|her|their big agricultural estates|properties. Those aristocratic agricultural companies|societies, to|in the to block the deployment of the bourgeoisie, kept|sustained motionless, with decadence (The decadence of España, the writers suggested|said).
It|He could|might seem to use the concept of Spanish bourgeoisie to refer to the hegemonic class of the Spanish State in the present correct and logical. But my proposal goes in another direction. We have to consider that it|he|she is not the case that the Castilian-Andalusian oligarchy disappeared with the denominated democratic transition.
How I explain The philosophy and the religion without masks, page 9, to the book "The Castilian-Andalusian oligarchy was the dominant class in the Spanish State; it|he|she was the conservative class that had the ideological control; until year 1975, for 40 years, the dominant ideology in the State was that denominated nacional-catolicisme. With the establishment of the constitutional monarchy, it started a new historical stage in which the Spanish oligarchy - the Castilian-Andalusian - it|he|she accepted the new democratic frame (As a matter of fact, it|he|she was really well the result of a negotiation from a position of force|strength of the oligarchy). It would be more approximate to the historical reality to say that the democratic forces|strengths accepted the offer of a new political frame that had severe democratic lacks, severe lacks that last until the day of today. The several democratic formations|training of the State that had been struggling against the pro-Franco dictatorship negotiated the conditions that the pro-Franco state imposed them in the Power. Or it is that it was not the case that the oligarchy was defeated or weakened. The democratic Platform negotiated with the pro-Franco Power from a position of weakness, and was seen forced to accepting the maintenance of the privileges of the oligarchy and of the Catholic Church. The smallest reproof of the military uprising of the general Franco or of the pro-Franco diet|regime was not even agreed on. There was not any attempt to pioneer judicial processes against the pro-Franco criminals. There was not any type of purification of the pro-Franco civil servants with political responsibilities. The oligarches with all its|his|her|their intact estates|properties adapted splendidly to the new democratic order of the borbònica monarchy. On the other hand, the pro-Franco elements of the device of the State continued in its|his|her|their places of privilege without the most minimum revision being made. All the pro-Franco soldiers and the judges and the professors and tall clerks continued to|in its|his|her|their charges|posts without being "bothered".
At the years of the misery and of the opprobrium most awful - of 1940 in 1958 - the pro-Franco Diet|Regime, in a kidnapping of folly, endeavoured the return to the Middle Ages. What was denominated the autarchy intended to carry out an oligarchic economic|economical utopia: with one panoptic that it|he|she had to control until the smallest economic|economical activity, all the territory was left intervened economically and subtracted filling of a continuum of sole rights and of concessions and dealers. To put an example of the autarkic folly: according to the National Servicio of the Trigo, the farmers were forced to stating in writing the crop|growing of cereals - they were forced to sowing a determinate quota with wheat - the extension of its|his|her|their earth|lands dedicated themselves, and, once made the ripe grain, it|he|she had to declare again the amount of cereal obtained; they stayed in the National Servicio forced to selling all the spare wheat, in sole right; to grind the wheat for the selfconsumption the farmers were forced to filling in a bureaucratic paperwork that seemed a hieroglyph to them.
How it|he|she could not be in another way, the oligarchic dream worked out to be a nightmare; a ruined Spain that did not achieve to raise the boss|head; the level of industrial production of 1958 did not reach that of year 1936!
It|He|She could|might seem that, into beginning of the 21st century, the Spanish State had entered definitively on the way of the modernity. But we do not have to deceive ourselves; we will have to see that neither the oligarchy nor the Catholic Church have been defeated; that they have not been withdrawn of the history|story; that they continue sustaining its|his|her|their privileges.
In my opinion, for the time being, the oligarchy is winning the entry|game. To win the entry|game consists in assuring its|his|her|their power and becoming the clearly hegemonic class.
The senior part of writers talk exclusively to bourgeoisie Spanish without making distinction of this supposed bourgeoisie with respect to the classical bourgeoisie of Europe and Nord-amèrica. That which I want to bring to light in the readers is that the one that has adopted all the air of a typical bourgeoisie has been the traditional oligarchy; but the aristocracies do not perform and are not meant to the bourgeois way but the aristocratic way.
With the exception of the title of king, it seems to the civil code that all the noble titles do not have validity. But the descendants of the big|great Spanish aristocratic families, with noble title or without, they constitute the thickness of the big|great owners of earth|land.
Thesis: the senior of the individuals that they are part of the denominated "big|great Spanish bourgeoisie" established in Madrid they are not a supposed second generation of industrialists, some sons of some supposed captains of industry. They are rather the new figure of the oligarchy. Mostly they are oligarches, or main customers of the oligarchy.
Madrid it|she is full of big|great employers, but there are few captains of industry.
Already during the Franco's regime, the oligarchy had decided to act as Madrid a big industrial and financial center. The Big Madrid became the most populous city of the State.
A policy|politics of stimulus to the small traders and small industrialists is not the case that in the Madrid of the years of development it had started so that they became captains of industry.
During the Franco's regime and afterwards, until the day of today, the economical method of the oligarchy has continued being applied to stimulate the growth of Madrid. Through the privileges, the monopolies, the sole rights and the concessions, Madrid has become the main industrial and financial kernel of the State. As supposed, the consequence of this economic policy she went to the detriment of the rest of industrial areas, of the Catalans and Basques, in particular.
To put an example: the dozen of small Majorcan companies who dedicated themselves to the maritime transport, following the indications of the Regime, were constituted in monopoly with the creation of the Compañia Transmediterránea, with headquarters in Palma de Mallorca; at the seventies, the company was nationalized, and, further later on, it was decided to move the headquarters to Madrid; and there she continues.
With the deployment of the tourism, they appeared from modest bourgeois kernels in everything all over the State, the economical activity of which followed the typical rules of the economy of free market.
During these last years and until right now, the Spanish Governments of turn have filled the mouth while stating that Spain is a great world-wide economic power. But these declarations are a bluff, of course.
The method of the oligarchy is opposed to that of the economy of free market. The industrial concentration in Madrid is not a consequence of the economic activity displayed by the autochthonous agents of the local bourgeoisie.
Thesis: The industrial concentration in Madrid is a consequence of the intervention, the privileges, the monopolies, the sole rights and the concessions; that is, she is the result of the vicious economic practices of the oligarchy.
The industrial large enterprises of Madrid are, mostly, delegations of international companies. The Spanish industrial large enterprises are, mostly, a drift of the great state monopolies, monopolies that they shared among the oligarches, especially during the Government of Of It Aznar. These large enterprises it is not they devote|dedicate to|in the manufacture of consumption objects, but that offer services; industries of gas and of electricity, of distribution of water, of telephonic service are, of air, maritime and terrestrial transport, of distribution of products of the oil, and other. Also they continue the oligarchic traditional large enterprises that take care of the extraction of raw materials.
Or it is, there are not industrial products of Spanish brand|mark, exception made of the alimentary industries. Thus, for example, there is not Spanish national automotive industry.
Since always, for all the geography of the State there were the quarrymen. Tens of thousands of small companies that constituted the industry of the construction. The oligarchy had always reserved itself|herself the estate|property of the large enterprises of construction, once these that had the sole right of the big works of the Government had been undertaken.
With the boom of the tourism, the construction became the main industrial activity. And to the period of Of It Aznar she arrived to the apotheosis; the construction in the Spanish State managed to overcome the joint construction of France, Great Britain and Germany. Bourgeoises and aristocrats pioneered the new stage with frenzy. Bankers, estate, promoting agents, Builders all they played strongly in this industry that fore didigner not have to fear the competence.
How they pointed out the economists of the Financial Times, the Spanish State invested the senior part of its savings - and besides, he became indebted - under construction of houses and in housing developments of second residences; that there was the danger of the estate bubble; and that, about everything, this Pharaonic investment was in non productive lambs.
The several national bourgeoisie of the State - the Castilian-Andalusian one, the Catalan, the Galician and the Basque - find smothered by the cdomain of the oligarchy. The bourgeois economic initiatives are always seen interfered for the devices of control and of being able of the oligarchy. Like always, the bourgeoisie see themselves forced to playing the unequal dirty game that imposes them the oligarchy. More still: often, she makes herself to distinguish a great Spanish bourgeois from a Spanish oligarch difficult.
Parallel lives: N'Henry Ford, North American, and Rodolfo Martín Villa, Spanish. The first was from a family of small ranchers; the second originated in the bossom of a well-to-do family from Leon and studied the career of engineer.
Ford he heard passion for the mechanics; he devoted the good and best one of his energies to constructing a car within reach of the medium classes. From some beginnings as a manual worker, he became one of the biggest industrialists of the Nord-amèrica of the 20th century. Henry Ford has happened to the history as an example and as a model of the supposed kindness of the system of free market economy - or capitalism.
Martín Villa, of well young, he pioneered a magnificent career how he corresponds to an oligarch. So he occupied union and political charges in the pro-Franco Regime - he was a civil governor of Barcelona -, as charges to the direction of large enterprises - of Endesa, for example; or Sogegable, lately. Martin Villa serves as sample of the special availability of the Spanish oligarches to occupy the most diverse charges of direction.
The crisis of the estate bubble has brought to light the Spanish oligarchy she continues being incompatible with the one denominated economy of free market. The oligarches fill in themselves the mouth while declaring themselves economic enthusiasts in favor of the liberalism, but these liberal gestures are a pure scenic representation; they continue with the oligarchic methods that are own for them and, at all times, try to liquidate the free competence.
The big Spain world-wide power was the advertising version of the Spanish bubble.
One one could think that now she has arrived the period of the lean cows. But people have to go beyond what means the expression. The things have to be said for their name. The supposed fat cows were really the product of the aznarista folly. During these years of democratic monarchy and of free market economy, as a matter of fact, there have not been true democracy, and the economics - and the Catalan economy - in every time she has been intervened. Or are,
Thesis: The Spanish oligarchy smothers the economic deployment of the several territories of the State. And, especially, smothers Catalonia for cause that is the area of senior industrial density.
In Zaplana charging a million euros of salary as a counselor of Telefónica he is an icon of the system.
On the other hand, the supposed fat cows have coincided with the help on a large scale that the European Union disbursed with the goal of the modernization of the Spanish economy.
Finally, the several Catalan social classes - and those of the rest|subtraction of the State - they will see themselves forced to getting of the oligarchic yoke rid. Or, but, in my opinion, the social panorama of every time will seem more a Mexican postcard.